The Palm Beach Post

Anarchy that Trump loves destroying our institutio­ns

- He writes for the Washington Post.

Michael Gerson

A president with no concern for veracity or consistenc­y has assured us he is not considerin­g the firing of special counsel Robert Mueller. This does not make the prospect even marginally less remote. And it has done little to inhibit the attempt by some conservati­ves to discredit the investigat­ion.

On a move against Mueller and his office, the wind is thick with straws. Rep. Bob Goodlatte, R-Va., chair of the House Judiciary Committee, warns: “We do not know the magnitude of insider bias on Mr. Mueller’s team.” Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, urges Mueller “to clean house of partisans” and wonders if the special counsel’s final report will be legitimate.

At one level, this is “whatabouti­sm” run amok. What about Bill and Hillary Clinton? Didn’t they ruthlessly discredit Ken Starr and his investigat­ion? Why should Republican­s hobble themselves with scruples?

But here is a difference. Clinton and his defenders were accusing an investigat­or of being a power-mad prig. Some of Trump’s defenders are claiming, in effect, that the FBI is engaged in a “coup d’etat” (the words of Florida Republican

Rep. Matt Gaetz) — a politicall­y motivated attempt to reverse the results of the 2016 election.

But the larger point is this: Trump Republican­s are willing to smear a man of genuine integrity, and undermine confidence in federal law enforcemen­t. This is beyond cynicism. It is institutio­nal arson. This is the profoundly anti-conservati­ve strategy of Trump supporters against any institutio­n (the courts, the media, law enforcemen­t) that exposes the administra­tion’s deception and corruption: Burn, baby, burn.

Because Mueller is inexorable, the desperatio­n in Trump world is palpable. We know that senior officials in the Trump campaign wanted to collude with the Russians in order to influence the election. We know that Russian intelligen­ce had the means to influence the election, hacked from a variety of sources. We know that Trump officials tried to conceal their contacts with the Russians. We know that President Trump tried to shut the investigat­ion of these matters down.

As the investigat­ion seems to be closing in on members of the Trump family, the president has a variety of options, all with serious risks. He might be able to fire Mueller directly. But unless he also abolishes the special counsel’s office, FBI officials would continue to investigat­e any crimes they have discovered. Other precedent would require Trump first to fire Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein (to whom Mueller reports), then find a stooge willing to fire Mueller.

Or Trump could do a preemptive pardon of individual­s being investigat­ed. This would look deeply corrupt and there are serious legal issues surroundin­g a presidenti­al self-pardon.

If Trump takes any of these aggressive actions, it will define his presidency, exaggerate social division and throw America public life into chaos. At that point, he will deserve impeachmen­t, whether he is impeached or not.

Behind all this is a nagging fear. Other presidents would be restrained by the prospect of social division and political chaos. For Trump, these may be incentives. He seems to thrive in bedlam. But the anarchy that sustains him damages the institutio­ns around him — a cost for which he cares nothing.

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