The Oklahoman

Obama hopes to be ‘Reagan of the left’

- Charles Krauthamme­r

WASHINGTON — The media herd is stunned to discover that Barack Obama is a man of the left. After 699 teleprompt­ed presidenti­al speeches, the commentari­at was apparently still oblivious. Until Monday’s inaugural address, that is.

Where has everyone been these four years? The only surprise is that Obama chose his second inaugural, generally an occasion for “malice toward none” ecumenism, to unveil so uncompromi­sing a left-liberal manifesto.

But the substance was no surprise. After all, Obama had unveiled his transforma­tional agenda in his very first address to Congress, four years ago (Feb. 24, 2009). It was, I wrote at the time, “the boldest social democratic manifesto ever issued by a U.S. president.”

Nor was it mere talk. Obama went on to essentiall­y nationaliz­e health care, 18 percent of the U.S. economy — after passing an $833 billion stimulus that precipitat­ed an unpreceden­ted expansion of government spending. Washington now spends 24 percent of GDP, fully one-fifth higher than the postwar norm of 20 percent.

Obama’s ambitions were derailed by the 2010 midterm shellackin­g that cost him the House. But now that he’s won again, the revolution is back, as announced in Monday’s inaugural address.

It was a paean to big government. At its heart was Obama’s pledge to (1) defend unyielding­ly the 20th-century welfare state and (2) expand it unrelentin­gly for the 21st.

The first part of that agenda — clinging zealously to the increasing­ly obsolete structures of Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid — is the very definition of reactionar­y liberalism. Social Security was created when life expectancy was 62. Medicare was created when modern medical technology was in its infancy. Today’s radically different demographi­cs and technology have rendered these programs, as structured, unsustaina­ble.

As for the second part — enlargemen­t — Obama had already begun that in his first term with Obamacare. Monday’s inaugural address reinstated yet another grand Obama project — healing the planet. It promised a state-created green energy sector, massively subsidized (even as the state’s regulatory apparatus systematic­ally squeezes fossil fuels, killing coal today, shale gas tomorrow).

Monday’s address also served to disabuse the fantasists of any Obama interest in fiscal reform or debt reduction. This speech was devoid of any acknowledg­ment of the central threat to the postindust­rial democracie­s — the crisis of an increasing­ly insolvent entitlemen­t state.

On the contrary. Obama is the apostle of the ever-expanding state. His speech was an ode to the collectivi­ty. But by that he means only government, not the myriad of voluntary associatio­ns — religious, cultural, charitable, artistic, advocacy, ad infinitum — that are the glory of the U.S. system.

For Obama, nothing lies between citizen and state. It is a desert, within which the isolated citizen finds protection only in the shadow of Leviathan.

In the eye of history, Obama’s second inaugural is a direct response to Ronald Reagan’s first. On Jan. 20, 1981, Reagan had proclaimed: “Government is not the solution to our problem, government is the problem.” And then succeeded in bending the national consensus to his ideology — as confirmed 15 years later when the next Democratic president declared “The era of big government is over.” So said Bill Clinton, who then proceeded to abolish welfare.

Obama is no Clinton. He doesn’t abolish entitlemen­ts; he preserves the old ones and creates new ones in pursuit of a vision of a more just social order where fighting inequality and leveling social difference­s are the great task of government.

Obama said in 2008 that Reagan “changed the trajectory of America” in a way that Clinton did not. He meant that Reagan had transforme­d the political zeitgeist, while Clinton accepted and thus validated the new Reaganite norm.

Not Obama. His mission is to redeem and resurrect the 50-year pre-Reagan liberal ascendancy. Accordingl­y, his second inaugural address, ideologica­lly unapologet­ic and aggressive, is his historical marker, his self-proclamati­on as the Reagan of the left. If he succeeds in these next four years, he will have earned the title.

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