The Commercial Appeal

Being on the right side of history

- CATHERINE RAMPELL Catherine Rampell is a columnist for The Washington Post Writers Group. Contact her at crampell@washpost.com or on Twitter, @crampell.

WASHINGTON — With relatively little fanfare, the economics of discrimina­tion seems to have been flipped on its head.

At least, that is one optimistic, heartening way to interpret the national backlash to Indiana’s new “religious freedom” law, which has set off a wave of boycotts by consumers, celebritie­s, politician­s and businesses.

Reams of economic research, going back to Nobel laureate Gary Becker’s 1955 dissertati­on on racial discrimina­tion, have suggested that a key reason firms discrimina­te is that their customers and employees probably demand it.

After all, if employers refused to hire blacks, women, Jews or gays because the employers themselves were prejudiced, their businesses would be at a big disadvanta­ge, since a more open-minded competitor could hire members of the passedover demographi­c at an effective discount.

But if the customers and employees had a taste for discrimina­tion — and were unwilling to shop or work alongside members of a particular minority — then firms would be better off if they continued to actively discrimina­te.

In that situation, market forces encourage bad behavior; at least in the absence of anti-discrimina­tion and public accommodat­ion laws, doing the right thing becomes expensive, and potentiall­y fatal, to any business whose customers are assumed to be even slightly prejudiced.

Hiring gay men and lesbians, or allowing black people to eat at your restaurant, might drive away your other customers. Or so business owners could have reason to fear.

Becker’s civil-rights-era work was mostly theoretica­l, laying out a framework under which prejudice could persist in competitiv­e markets. But other studies since then have used experiment­s and empirical data that seem to confirm that customers’ preference­s (real or perceived) encourage discrimina­tory hiring practices by employers.

In one recent study, researcher­s sent out fake résumés to test how often equally qualified black and white applicants were offered interviews. It found that blacks faced substantia­lly more discrimina­tion for positions in which they interacted more often with customers.

Now think about what’s happened in Indiana in the past few days, and how differentl­y consumer power has been wielded.

Indiana’s new Religious Freedom Restoratio­n Act, which protects against laws that “substantia­lly burden” a person’s free exercise of religion, has multiple precedents: There’s a federal version of the law, and similar laws in 19 other states.

But the Indiana law is much more expansive, both in how it defines religion and when religion can be invoked as a defense.

That’s why many have interprete­d it to mean that businesses can now deny service to members of a minority group, particular­ly gay people, on religious grounds.

One of the bill’s proponents cheered that it would help prevent “Christian bakers, florists and photograph­ers” from being “punished for refusing to participat­e in a homosexual marriage.”

Some critics also have suggested that the law could be used to justify discrimina­tion against explicitly protected groups, such as Muslims or blacks, although it seems unlikely that such an argument would hold up in court.

Whatever the law actually allows, the outrage it unleashed, over a perceived blank check for bigotry, was overwhelmi­ng. And not just from liberal celebritie­s such as Miley Cyrus or Democratic politician­s such as Hillary Rodham Clinton. Almost immediatel­y, the Republican chief executive of Angie’s List announced the company was canceling its planned $40 million expansion in Indianapol­is.

The chief executive of Salesforce said he had canceled all his company’s events in Indiana and advocated a “slow rolling of economic sanctions” against the state. The organizers of Gen Con, the largest conference held each year in Indianapol­is, threatened to move it elsewhere.

The Indianapol­is-based NCAA has said it’s “concerned” about how the law might affect studentath­letes, employees and spectators attending Final Four games there this weekend.

Such business community backlash ultimately persuaded Indiana Gov. Mike Pence, who’d staunchly defended the law, to urge lawmakers on Tuesday to pass legislatio­n making it clear “that this law does not give businesses the right to deny services to anyone.”

Businesses have fought similar laws elsewhere, too, saying they worry that a climate more tolerant of intoleranc­e will make it harder to recruit talent, retain customers and attract tourists.

An Arizona law along these lines was vetoed last year — by the Republican governor — after business leaders expressed concerns about the potential economic damage.

Even Walmart, not exactly known for its liberal values, came out against comparable legislatio­n in its home state, saying it “sends the wrong message about Arkansas.” Arkansas lawmakers Tuesday gave final approval to a religious-freedom bill similar to Indiana’s, and Republican Gov. Asa Hutchinson has said he will sign it.

This is an astonishin­g, and inspiring, turn of events.

If in Becker’s day firms feared that customers would punish them for inclusiven­ess, today firms fear customers will instead punish them for exclusiven­ess.

If in the past, to stay competitiv­e and attract the most desirable talent, you needed to be discrimina­tory, today the opposite may be becoming true. Hooray for markets being on the right side of history.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States