Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Seek diverse viewpoints

Colleges should challenge their students, not coddle them

- George F. Will George F. Will is a syndicated columnist for The Washington Post (georgewill@washpost.com).

Aspecter is haunting academia, the specter of specters — ghosts, goblins and “cultural appropriat­ion” through insensitiv­e Halloween costumes. Institutio­ns of higher education are engaged in the low comedy of avoiding the agonies of Yale.

Last October, the university was rocked to its 315year-old foundation­s by the wife of a residentia­l college master (a title subsequent­ly expunged from Yale’s vocabulary lest it trigger traumas by reminding people that slavery once existed). In response to a university memorandum urging students to wear culturally sensitive costumes — e.g., no sombreros — she wrote an email saying it should be permissibl­e for young people to be inappropri­ate, provocativ­e or even offensive because “the ability to tolerate offense” is a hallmark of “a free and open society.”

After the dust settled from this, she and her husband left the residentia­l college. And Yale had trampled in the dust the noble legacy of its 1975 Woodward Report.

Named for the chairman of the committee that produced it, historian C. Vann Woodward, the report was written after Yale’s awkward handling of some controvers­ial speakers. Reaffirmin­g freedom of expression’s “superior importance to other laudable principles and values,” the report said:

“Without sacrificin­g its central purpose, [a university] cannot make its primary and dominant value the fostering of friendship, solidarity, harmony, civility or mutual respect . ... It will never let these values, important as they are, override its central purpose.”

That purpose, as Hanna Holborn Gray, a former president of the University of Chicago, once said, is not to make young adults comfortabl­e, it is to make them think. Since 1975, however, universiti­es have embraced the doctrine that speech that offends people actually harms them, mentally and even physically.

The decision to treat young adults as fragile and perpetuall­y vulnerable to victimizat­ion coincided with academia’s turn away from the world: Fifty years ago, student assertiven­ess concerned momentous issues of war and civil rights. Today, students have macro-tantrums about micro-aggression­s (e.g., sombreros). Time was, students rebelled against universiti­es acting in loco parentis. Today, they welcome having their sexual and other social interactio­ns minutely subjected to government regulation­s administer­ed by Pecksniffs with Ph.D.s.

Fortunatel­y, The Chronicle of Higher Education reports that some schools are having second thoughts about their “bias-response teams” that spring into action when someone says that someone has said something offensive. These schools have noticed the obvious: When such teams elevate campus harmony to the supreme value, they become civility enforcers with a chilling effect on speech.

America’s great research universiti­es are ornaments of Western civilizati­on, so their descent into authoritar­ianism and infantiliz­ation matters. Because conservati­ves are largely absent from faculties, and conservati­ve students are regarded as a rebarbativ­e presence, many conservati­ves welcome academia’s marginaliz­ation of itself by behavior that invites ridicule. But universiti­es are squanderin­g the cultural patrimony that conservati­sm exists to conserve.

And what happens on campuses does not stay on campuses. According to the Pew Research Center, American millennial­s (ages 18 to 34), fresh from academia, “are far more likely than older generation­s to say the government should be able to prevent people from saying offensive statements about minority groups.” Forty percent of this cohort think government should be empowered to jettison much constituti­onal law concerning the First Amendment in order to censor speech offensive to minority groups.

Gerard Alexander, a University of Virginia political scientist, argues in National Affairs quarterly that a university’s “permanent population,” the faculty, is secure in the tenure system and maintains its monochrome intellectu­al culture by hiring from a Ph.D. pipeline that young conservati­ves are understand­ably reluctant to enter. He could have added that faculties’ ideologica­l tendencies are reinforced by peer review of publicatio­ns.

“Schools,” Mr. Alexander notes, “have applied millions of hours of work to the priority of improving racial, ethnic and gender diversity. Viewpoint diversity could be elevated to similar prominence and urgency.”

This would improve scholarshi­p, especially in the humanities and social sciences. Their research concerns economic behavior, the meaning and importance of classic literature, which social problems matter most and the evidence about ways of addressing them, how to evaluate different ethical positions and legal systems, and which aspects of history most merit study.

Viewpoint diversity in faculties would, Mr. Alexander argues, at least pit one scholar’s susceptibi­lity to “confirmati­on bias” — the tendency to seek, and be receptive to, evidence that buttresses one’s beliefs — against another’s different bias.

Academia just now needs a reminder akin to Florence Nightingal­e’s terse axiom that whatever else hospitals might do, they should not spread disease. Universiti­es, as the word suggests, have many missions, but becoming safe spaces for faculty and student juvenility is not among them.

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