Los Angeles Times

The tax returns of candidates

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It’s understand­able that Gov. Gavin Newsom would want to set himself apart from his predecesso­r and show the world that he’s not just Jerry Brown 2.0. But by signing a very problemati­c bill on Tuesday — one that Brown vetoed in 2017 — Newsom took a slap at President Trump that is hyperparti­san, probably counterpro­ductive and perhaps even unconstitu­tional.

The “Presidenti­al Tax Transparen­cy and Accountabi­lity Act” is clearly directed at Trump, who as a candidate bucked the modern tradition of releasing his tax returns. The new law requires that candidates for president in California release five years of tax records before they can be included on the state’s primary ballot.

This means Trump must turn over his tax documents in the 2020 election or be left off California’s March primary ballot. Hah. Take that Mr. Trump. Will this damage Trump’s reelection bid? Of course not. No matter what happens in California’s primary, Trump’s name is likely to be on the November general election ballot in all states. And the only people hurt by his failure to appear on the primary ballot are the millions of California Republican­s who will be denied the right to pick the candidate of their choice.

To be clear: Presidenti­al candidates ought to share their tax documents with the public. Trump’s refusal to do so was arrogant, and left the country rightly wondering what conflicts of interests he has and just how little he has been paying in taxes.

But adding new requiremen­ts for candidates is a bad idea. If California adds this partisan requiremen­t as a slap at Trump, what’s to stop red states from adding a requiremen­t that candidates release their birth certificat­es, as Arizona’s Legislatur­e

tried to do in 2011? Will some states require candidates to release their health records? Do we really want every state to have its own requiremen­ts governing who can run for president? That’s a recipe for confusion.

If voters think a candidate should have released his tax returns, they can punish him or her at the polls on election day.

In any case, there’s a chance this new law will never have a chance to influence the 2020 primary ballot. Trump’s legal team plans to sue to block the law on the grounds that it is unconstitu­tional.

As we have pointed out in editorials more than once, states have the authority to regulate some ballot access for federal elections, such as setting deadlines, applying fees and requiring candidates to gather signatures. It’s not clear, though, if they can place further restrictio­ns on presidenti­al candidates’ qualificat­ions beyond what is already required by the U.S. Constituti­on — that a candidate be 35 years old, a natural-born U.S. citizen and a resident of the U.S. for at least 14 years.

In a relevant case in 1995, the Supreme Court ruled that Arkansas couldn’t bar a congressio­nal candidate from the ballot just because he or she had already served more than two terms. Basically, the court was saying it wasn’t the state’s job to set qualificat­ions for a federal candidate.

There’s also the question of whether this new law strays too far into regulating political parties. Primaries exist so that parties can nominate their candidates in the race. In 2000, the Supreme Court told California it couldn’t monkey around with how the parties picked their nominees.

If other states take similar action, it may well deepen the partisan divide that has roiled politics and turned Americans against one another. How does that help?

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