Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

The need to know

- ELIZABETH GOITEIN Elizabeth Goitein is co-director of the liberty and national security program at the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law.

The controvers­y over Hillary Clinton’s use of a private email account while she was secretary of state has centered on whether she used it to send or receive classified messages. This focus obscures the larger question of whether Clinton’s setup affected the State Department’s compliance with the Freedom of Informatio­n Act and legal requiremen­ts for federal agencies to retain records, as well as other questions about agencies’ informatio­n-management practices.

The following statements may not be the facts that some believe them to be:

1. INFORMATIO­N CAN BE “CLASSIFIED,” EVEN IF NO ONE

HAS CLASSIFIED IT.

Many news reports and commentato­rs have suggested that “informatio­n is classified by [its] nature” (as Sean Davis writes in the Federalist), even if no agency or official has classified it yet. These accounts treat “classified” as a quality rather than an action—one that is self-evident. If informatio­n is sensitive enough, it’s classified, no matter what.

When it comes to “original classifica­tion”—the initial decision to classify informatio­n—that portrayal is wrong. Under the executive order that governs classifica­tion, the 2,000-plus officials who have this authority “may” classify informatio­n if its disclosure reasonably could be expected to damage national security. The determinat­ion of harm is often highly subjective, and even if an official decides that disclosure would be harmful, he or she is not required to classify.

Informatio­n provided by foreign government­s in confidence is different. The executive order cautions that the release of such informatio­n is “presumed” to harm national security; agency rules provide that such informatio­n “must be classified.” There is a difference, however, between “must be classified” and “is classified.” After all, when an official receives informatio­n, its source and the circumstan­ces of its disclosure may not be apparent.

An official who transmits that informatio­n without classifyin­g it has violated agency rules. But the recipient now possesses informatio­n that someone else should have classified, not classified informatio­n. Classifyin­g the informatio­n, then sending it through unclassifi­ed channels to a private email account, also would be impermissi­ble. Emails released by the State Department show that some of Clinton’s correspond­ents dealt with this by asking to set up conversati­ons over secure telephone lines.

2. IT’S EASY TO FIGURE OUT WHETHER INFORMATIO­N HAS BEEN CLASSIFIED.

There is a common refrain that Clinton “should have known” there was classified informatio­n in e-mails she got, even if it wasn’t marked.

The classifica­tion rules treat this myth as if it were true. Once informatio­n has been classified by an authorized official, anyone who retransmit­s it must mark it as classified, even if it was not marked when received. This is called “derivative classifica­tion” and it can be performed by any of the 4.5 million individual­s who are eligible to access classified informatio­n. They rely on “classifica­tion guides”—a kind of index of original classifica­tion decisions, mostly kept on secure websites—to determine what informatio­n has been classified and therefore must be marked.

Derivative classifica­tion is intended to be a straightfo­rward task. But the system breaks down in practice. The categories of informatio­n listed in guides are sometimes so broad or vague that they leave officials to guess whether any given piece of informatio­n has been classified.

3. ANYTHING CLASSIFIED

IS SENSITIVE.

Many discussion­s of Clinton’s email assume that all classified informatio­n deserves to be classified and that every leak of classified informatio­n is dangerous.

In fact, the classifica­tion system is marked by discretion (intended) on the front end and uncertaint­y (unintended) on the back end. This lack of clear boundaries opens the door to a huge amount of unnecessar­y classifica­tion.

It is easier and safer for busy officials to classify by rote rather than to pause for thought. Classifica­tion is a way for officials to enhance their status or protect agencies’ turf. It can hide embarrassi­ng facts or evidence of misconduct. There are no countervai­ling disincenti­ves as classifica­tion decisions normally go unreviewed and agencies do not punish over-classifyin­g. The result is massive over-classifica­tion. Current and former government officials have estimated that 50 to 90 percent of classified documents could safely be released.

One need look no further than Clinton’s own emails for evidence of this problem. In February 2010, Clinton’s top foreign policy adviser emailed that he was unable to send her a statement by former British prime minister Tony Blair because someone had entered it into the State Department’s classified system “for reasons that elude me.” Clinton responded incredulou­sly: “It’s a public statement!” Yet her adviser was unable to access it, let alone send it to an unsecured email address.

4. ANY MISHANDLIN­G OF CLASSIFIED INFORMATIO­N

IS ILLEGAL.

Some 2016 presidenti­al candidates have not hesitated to label the mishandlin­g of classified informatio­n as criminal, with former Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee calling Clinton’s actions “beyond outrageous­ly illegal.”

In fact, in a nod to the complexiti­es of handling classified informatio­n, the law criminaliz­es only violations that are “knowing,” “negligent” or the like. The law falls short, however, in failing to give express protection to knowing releases of classified informatio­n by whistleblo­wers. The Obama administra­tion has used the Espionage Act—a statute meant for spies and traitors—to prosecute federal employees who revealed waste, fraud and abuse. Judges allowed these cases to go forward even though none of the defendants harmed or intended to harm national security.

The lack of protection for whistleblo­wers allows the government to graft its own “intent” requiremen­t onto the law through selective prosecutio­n. Those who seek to reveal government misconduct are prosecuted. Those who don’t are not (or, in the unusual case of Gen. David Petraeus, are given a deal to avoid jail time).

This double standard should be eliminated, not by prosecutin­g every slip, but by focusing on actions that are intended and likely to harm national security, and by protecting disclosure­s that serve the public interest by revealing wrongdoing.

5. OUR CLASSIFICA­TION SYSTEM PROTECTS US

FROM HARM.

This myth flows naturally from the assumption­s that all classified informatio­n is automatica­lly and self-evidently sensitive and that any release of classified informatio­n would compromise national security.

Actually, it is our bloated classifica­tion system that puts our security at risk. Some classifica­tion is unquestion­ably necessary to keep the nation safe, but over-classifica­tion not only stifles public discussion and debate, it also discourage­s people from following the rules. Officials who routinely encounter innocuous informatio­n marked “top secret” lose respect for the system. They are more likely to handle informatio­n carelessly or even engage in unauthoriz­ed disclosure­s. The danger is that the baby could get thrown out with the bathwater: A casual approach to classified informatio­n jeopardize­s the real secrets buried within the excess.

Over-classifica­tion also creates practical barriers to compliance. The procedures for storing, accessing and transmitti­ng classified informatio­n are burdensome. That’s a feature, not a bug: These logistical barriers not only prevent unauthoriz­ed access but also aim to keep the bar for classifyin­g informatio­n appropriat­ely high. But when onerous security measures must be followed to transact even the most routine official business, the burden can become untenable.

These problems could be solved. Meaningful limits could be placed on officials’ discretion to classify, and an internal oversight system could be establishe­d to ensure that officials do not overstep these lines. Declassifi­cation could be made automatic after a reasonable time, rather than allowing agencies to create a bottleneck by conducting lengthy reviews. Shrinking the pool of secrets would make it easier to ensure that classified informatio­n is properly marked and protected, which would enhance national security and relieve the burden on busy officials. Otherwise, over-classifica­tion is sure to continue.

 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States