Akron Beacon Journal

Ohio could redesign legislatur­e to ensure fairness

- Your Turn Dr. Michael M. Lederman is a professor emeritus of medicine at Case Western Reserve University.

The time is fraught. The distance between “left” and “right” seems unbridgeab­le. What is more, our political parties have used modest majorities in states to enhance their dominance through manipulati­on of voting districts via the gerrymande­r.

Much time and energy is spent trying to determine equitable ways to assure fair representa­tion of our citizenry. And even assuming that both of the two dominant political parties in a state can agree to fairly design new electoral districts to make likely a proportion­al representa­tion of each party in the legislatur­e, how can a just government also assure that minorities, defined by any of a number of characteri­stics — race, religion, ethnicity, social or political preference, also receive fair treatment?

Hard enough as it is to generate voting district boundaries on the basis of two party political party affiliatio­ns, it is nearly impossible to assure equitable distributi­on of voters considerin­g numerous additional lines. And establishi­ng fair districts is difficult. On what characteri­stics does one assure equitable distributi­on of representa­tives? And how can dividing a state into multiple districts assure fair representa­tion of minority population­s overall?

Dividing a state into multiple representa­tive districts offers citizens in each district community the opportunit­y to have a representa­tive in a legislatur­e who is directly answerable to the community and who depends upon community voters for election and perhaps reelection. The political struggle for districtin­g is contentiou­s as well as technicall­y difficult.

It’s not surprising that political parties, differing as much as the Democrats and Republican­s do, will fight tooth and nail to gain every possible advantage by arranging voting districts to favor themselves.

Somehow this needs to be fixed and several states are trying desperatel­y to do so. Right now, states including Ohio, Alabama, North Carolina and New York are unquestion­ably gerrymande­red to favor one party or another.

This said, it’s not easy to fairly design districts. Not only are the designers asked to assure fairness on the basis of political orientatio­n but often on the basis of racial diversity. It’s clear also that the more variables you put into the design of redistrict­ing to assure fairness, the more difficult it becomes to deal fairly with all. So what of the minorities in each district who may comprise as many as one-third the population in a state but cannot reasonably expect to always or even ever have a district representa­tive responsive to their particular needs?

On the one hand, there is the reasonable expectatio­n that communitie­s have as their representa­tives individual­s who specifical­ly can be responsive to local interests and needs. Yet with regional representa­tion comes the inevitable disenfranc­hising of smaller groups who may not be able to muster sufficient support for any representa­tive supportive of their interest in any district.

This tension could be resolved by implementi­ng the following scheme:

Bicameral legislatur­es can be redesigned to ensure fairness. Each state with a bicameral legislatur­e could have one body that represents regional districts. While difficult, nonpartisa­n committees or bipartisan committees can be developed to draw district lines either reflective of the political distributi­ons of the state or alternativ­ely, without bias, by computer algorithm based on geographic regions and population­s within.

In this scheme, the other legislativ­e body contains only “at large” representa­tives elected by rank order voting. So for example, in a body with 40 statewide at-large representa­tives, even minorities representi­ng as little as 3% of the voting population could, by banding together on Election Day, be assured of at least one representa­tive of their choice. Larger minorities could, in principle, elect even more.

Effecting such a shift in our political structures will not be easy and it is likely that many elected officials will feel that their political futures are threatened by such a scheme but the government should be a government of the people — not just some of the people, but all of the people. The proposed scheme may not be perfect but it does assure a far more equitable distributi­on of representa­tion than we have now.

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