The National (Scotland)

Independen­ce and the SNP’s fortunes are two different things

- Assa Samaké-Roman

WITH Humza Yousaf’s resignatio­n and months of SNP turmoil, coupled with polls suggesting the party could lose many of its seats to Labour in the General Election, there are those proclaimin­g that the dream of independen­ce is over, that it is all coming to an end, and we are finally reverting to a state where independen­ce is no longer on the agenda.

They point to the SNP’s plummeting poll numbers and argue that because the main pro-independen­ce party has lost support, it shows that people don’t really care about independen­ce. I have always had a bone to pick with this argument.

I am very sceptical about this line of reasoning. The link between the SNP’s popularity decline and interest in independen­ce isn’t necessaril­y a straightfo­rward causeand-effect relationsh­ip. We need to consider a range of factors that could be influencin­g both shifts in a party’s popularity and public opinion on independen­ce.

First and foremost, a political party’s popularity can be influenced by a multitude of factors, including economic performanc­e, government policies, political scandals, individual political figures, and national and internatio­nal events. The SNP have certainly faced its fair share of challenges in these areas, and I believe we can all agree on that. Therefore, the decline in the SNP’s popularity could be attributed to specific issues related to its management of the Scottish Government or other political factors, rather than a general lack of interest in independen­ce.

It is crucial that we don’t draw simplistic conclusion­s about Scottish independen­ce based solely on fluctuatio­ns in the SNP’s popularity in polls. It is necessary to thoroughly examine the multiple factors that influence public opinion on this complex issue and to acknowledg­e that the debate on independen­ce in Scotland is far from over.

Some argue that independen­ce is a distractio­n, diverting attention from the real issues Scotland faces. Their aim is to downplay or completely ignore this issue to focus on other political priorities. But that is wishful thinking. Ignoring the question of independen­ce doesn’t mean it will disappear or cease to be relevant for many Scots.

Why? Because independen­ce is intricatel­y linked to many other political and social issues, and it will continue to be an important topic as long as it remains an aspiration for a significan­t portion of the Scottish population.

On the other side, we see independen­ce supporters who view independen­ce as a distinct issue to prioritise; they advocate for “progress towards independen­ce”.

To be absolutely honest, that is not something that appeals to me either, because bluntly speaking: I’m not a nationalis­t. My vote can fluctuate, especially between France and Scotland, but my anchor, my roots, lie in social justice, equality, and building community.

If independen­ce is the vehicle through which we can have these discussion­s, then that’s great.

But if it is an independen­t fight (pun intended), I don’t feel very interested.

So, I have a fundamenta­l disagreeme­nt with both staunch antiindepe­ndence and pro-independen­ce advocates who treat it as a separate issue, either to be discarded or to overshadow all other concerns: I don’t see independen­ce as a separate issue.

Personally, I have a more integrated view of the independen­ce question, seeing it as woven into a broader set of concerns and challenges facing Scotland today.

Indeed, independen­ce cannot be considered in isolation, divorced from other issues such as healthcare, the economy, justice, and housing. On the contrary, it is closely

much of this is due to the fact that we have made independen­ce a separate thing – and therefore, essentiall­y polarising. This has detrimenta­l consequenc­es for political discourse and the health of democracy in Scotland.

It leads to an excessive simplifica­tion of political positions, where everything becomes slogans, promises, and attacks, and as a result, we make no progress on anything. It creates an atmosphere of constant tension and confrontat­ion. It fosters a toxic political environmen­t where citizens feel disillusio­ned and alienated by the political process, leading to a loss of confidence in democratic institutio­ns.

But I imagine that it is the spirit of our times that plays a role in this dynamic. It is often easier and more enticing to treat independen­ce as a separate issue because it simplifies things and creates clearer and sharper political narratives that provoke more reactions, electrifyi­ng people. It generates conflict, like a campaign that never stops.

Someone who got me thinking about this is the Italian essayist Giuliano Da Empoli, who reflects on this phenomenon in a new collective work titled Portrait Of A Broken World – the permanent electoral campaign, the overheatin­g, and for citizens, the exhaustion and the desire to stop caring about politics,

If we are not talking about the future, then what is the point of politics?

the impression that it is all just a vast circus that serves no purpose.

In politics, we can generally distinguis­h between two periods: election campaigns, with promises, grand plans, and periods of governance, with compromise­s, disappoint­ments, and the veneer that starts to crack.

But does this distinctio­n still make sense though? Look around you: political confrontat­ion left, right and centre. Short-term strategies, all aimed at one thing: keeping issues hot, making sure tomorrow’s headlines are favourable.

A truly permanent campaign, first defined by journalist Sidney Blumenthal in his 1980 book, The Permanent Campaign, fuelled by 24/7 news, social media and their algorithms polarising the debate, caricaturi­ng positions, making people as angry and aggressive as they can be ...

The most beneficial action we could collective­ly take is to reposition independen­ce within a broader discourse on the functionin­g of our nation, instead of attempting to preserve it in a stagnant state, floating out there without any strings.

Perhaps, we will find that it leads us to a slightly more intelligen­t debate in Scotland, avoiding the trap of the permanent campaign and returning to discussion­s about policy and politics that matter to all of us.

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