Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

Whose ‘national security’ is the state supposed to safeguard?

- Kishali Pinto-Jayawarden­e

Amidst the not-so-happy transforma­tion of Vesak from the serene marking of an incomparab­ly sacred event in the Buddhist calendar to an indulgent if not excessive race to compete with the ‘biggest pandal’ or the largest ‘dansal’ (generous gifting of food to the public), President Ranil Wickremesi­nghe has sublimely remarked that the long lines of Sri Lankans patiently waiting for free food means that ‘life is returning to normal.’

Vesak contradict­ions and political excess

There are, of course, multiple interpreta­tions to these (unpreceden­ted) numbers crowding ‘dansal’ tents across the country. Another reason that may have escaped the President’s sunny mind is that crowds jostle for free food in the backdrop of large swathes of the rural populace and daily wage earners in cities being hit by (unpreceden­ted) levels of poverty in the wake of the eruption of Sri Lanka’s economic crisis in 2022. This has particular­ly affected mothers and children suffering from acute malnutriti­on leading to aid agencies tripling their efforts in remote regions.

These unfortunat­es live a world apart from the city-elite that the President typically surrounds himself with. But in the spirit of loving kindness to all beings, let us refrain from being too acerbic about Presidenti­al optimism in that regard. Certainly, it gladdened the spiritual heart to see the hosting of interfaith Vesak ‘dansals’ as well as the gifting of free vegetables to the poor in slum communitie­s and the charitable feeding of animals to mark the birth, enlightenm­ent and passing away of the Gautama Buddha.

That is more in keeping with the philosophy of the middle path that the Buddha taught rather than ostentatio­us displays of garishly festooned pandals with flashing green, red and blue neon lights and electronic television channels vulgarly trying to rival with each other to put on the best ‘Vesak show.’ Indeed, Vesak ‘dansals’ of ‘kanji’ (porridge) should have been organised across the North and the East. That would have been a fitting lesson to the colossal imprudence of the police who had arrested Tamil women communally partaking of ‘kanji’ just a week before.

Celebratio­ns here and arrests in India

This was to mark the annual sombre recollecti­on of the Wanni’s dead and ‘disappeare­d’ following the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) being defeated by state forces in 2009. It is a pity that no one thought of this innovative way to exhibit resistance to a dominant state narrative that parrots peace and reconcilia­tion but summarily stops the minorities from rememberin­g their dead. That said and as Sri Lanka complacent­ly basked in the reassuring glow of Vesak, we proceed to a far more serious point.

At the exact time during which the Inspector General of Police (IGP) pasted Buddhist stickers on threewheel­ers along with the Prime Minister and joined the President in ladling out rice to smiling supplicant­s, Indian anti-terrorist investigat­ion agencies announced the arrest of four Sri Lankans with alleged Islamic State (ISIS) links. This was on the basis that they had, in contact with a well-known Islamist terrorist leader, planned to carry out attacks in India against ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) politician­s and leaders.

The arrests followed the discovery of an ISIS flag, three loaded pistols, mobile phones, photos and videos with ISIS propaganda. Reports are to the effect that one of the suspects is the son of the notorious Sri Lankan underworld criminal who was handed down the death penalty for the assassinat­ion of High Court judge Sarath Ambepitiya. Apparently, the suspects detained under India’s antiterror­ist laws as well as the Indian Penal Code, had informed Indian anti-terrorist intelligen­ce of their earlier associatio­n with Sri Lanka’s National Thowheed Jamath implicated in the Easter Sunday attacks on Sri Lanka’s churches and hotels in 2019.

‘Intelligen­ce’ lapses again?

Close upon that announceme­nt splashed across the Indian media, Sri Lanka’s IGP and his patron, the Minister of Public Security, hurriedly proclaimed that they were ‘following up’ on the arrests. The Terrorist Investigat­ion Division (TID) had arrested an ‘associate’ of the suspects in Colombo who had helped them obtain air tickets. But the absurd sequence of these developmen­ts leaves one literally gasping for breath. Our police and intelligen­ce agencies had been incapable of tracking these individual­s, allowing them to leave the national airport without interrogat­ion.

This is despite available informatio­n indicating that the suspects had been ‘radicalise­d’ and identified as ‘individual­s to watch’ following the 2019 Islamist attacks. To all intents and purposes, Sri Lankan intelligen­ce seems to have sprung into action only after being apprised by Indian intelligen­ce. This is déjà vu of the most unsettling kind, indeed an alarming throwback to the 2019 Islamist attacks where sections of the Sri Lankan intelligen­ce apparatus have been accused of collusive non-action in advance.

Now, our intelligen­ce agencies can only boast of arresting the person who issued their air tickets. On that same reasoning, every travel agency and travel agent must cower in apprehensi­on before issuing air tickets to prospectiv­e passengers. Or perchance call for clearance from the Minister of Public Security before proceeding to buy a ticket? But satire aside, questions must be asked. Whose ‘security’ is being protected? Is this national security or the ‘security’ of their political masters?

From farce, comes tragedy True, it must not be forgotten that both India and Sri Lanka are in an exceedingl­y critical election year. Some cynics, critical of the BJP, have scoffed that the arrests of the four suspects on allegation­s of targeting prominent BJP leaders are election-timed. Even so, the farcical ‘springing into action’ of local law enforcemen­t agencies on the heels of the Indian arrests evokes derisive scorn. The dubious record of our police is primarily for arresting Tamil women cooking pots of porridge or dragging away a (Sinhalese) comedian or a (Muslim) poet on the basis of advocating national, racial or religious hatred.

And let us not forget racially profiling a (Muslim) doctor on unsustaina­ble if not hysterical charges of ‘forcibly sterilisin­g’ Sinhala mothers levelled by communalis­tic politician­s greedily grasping for votes. These are only a few examples in a deadly comedy of errors, as the Bard may have remarked. Considerab­le energies are expended by the police in hauling those who criticise the State before courts. All that effort may surely be better expended in performing their mandated tasks under the law including tracking identified ‘radicalise­d’ individual­s.

Time and time again, the police have been warned by the Supreme Court down to the Magistrate’s Court that the law must not be abused to criminalis­e dissent. None of these injunction­s have had any effect. Essentiall­y are the Sri Lankan police ‘fit for the purpose’? Patently not, we dare say. And verily is it the job of the IGP to paste stickers on three-wheelers, hand out dry goods or distribute rice to the populace? Consequent­ially, from farce comes possibly tragedy as the 2019 Easter Sunday barbarity demonstrat­ed in full, which still seems unacknowle­dged.

Enacting the proposed Counter-Terror law

This brings into focus an equally important point being articulate­d with increasing authority from the defence establishm­ent in the wake of arrests of suspected ISIS terrorists in India this week. That is, Sri Lanka’s long-disputed CounterTer­ror Bill must be enacted without further delay. But this is a classic illustrati­on of an ad hominem argument. Sri Lanka’s intelligen­ce failures have not been due to the lack of adequate law. Rather it has been the result of endemic politicisa­tion of the police and intelligen­ce apparatus.

Enacting a badly framed and vaguely worded law criminalis­ing legitimate activities as ‘terrorism’ will not help. It will only aggravate the current confusion of separating who is a ‘terrorist’ from who is not.

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