Weekend Argus (Saturday Edition)

Could China be Africa’s new Big Brother?

US analysts say Huawei’s control over telecomms is a threat to us all

- JOHN REED

WASHINGTON: Chinese telecommun­ications giant Huawei may have been all but barred from doing business in the US over allegation­s that it’s basically an intelligen­ce agency masqueradi­ng as a tech business. In Africa, however, Huawei is thriving.

From Cairo to Joburg, the Chinese telecom has offices in 18 countries and has invested billions of dollars in building African communicat­ions networks since the late 1990s. The company’s cheap cellular phones today dominate many of Africa’s most important markets.

Just in the past few months, the firm closed a pair of telecommun­ications deals in Africa each worth more than $700 million, part of an African business that brings in more than $3.5 billion annually.

According to Huawei’s marketing, the projects are part of a mission of “Enriching (African) Lives through Communicat­ion.” But current and former US officials worry there could be another agenda behind Huawei’s penetratio­n into Africa: surveillan­ce.

“If you build the network on which all the data flows, you’re in a perfect position to populate it with backdoors or vulnerabil­ities that only you know about,” former department of homeland security secretary Michael Chertoff told Foreign Policy.

“That’s a strategic issue for the countries in Africa and a strategic issue for us.”

Huawei spokesman William Plummer called such concerns “silliness,” noting that the company “did $35 billion in business last year, 70 percent outside of China. We will not compromise our commercial success for any government”.

But China is becoming increasing­ly dependent on Africa’s farms to feed its people, on Africa’s minerals to run its industries, and on Africa’s oil to fuel its cars. China needs Africa as a partner – the closer, the better. Enter Huawei.

“Across Africa – but especially in demographi­cally large or resourceri­ch nations – Huawei is offering exceptiona­lly competitiv­e prices, generous financing, and fully managed systems to government­s,” Chris Demchak, co-director of the Centre for Cyber Conflict Studies at the US Naval War College, told Foreign Policy in an e-mail.

Huawei isn’t just providing cellphones, towers and fibre-optic cable and then turning them over to local businesses. The telecom giant – and sometimes its Chinese rival ZTE – is often running these networks for the local communicat­ions providers and the government.

Last month, the firm signed a $700 million deal to build cellular networks in Ethiopia. At the same time, the company inked a deal to run communicat­ions networks in Nigeria — networks that it’s had a role in building — for the next five years. Huawei also helps run the networks in Zambia. In oil- rich Angola, Huawei was awarded a contract to build cell networks for the state’s mobile phone firm, Movicel.

“Managing a nation’s backbone telecommun­ications system, especially if it is seen to be the basis for future economic developmen­t, is an exceptiona­lly powerful position for any firm,” Demchak said. “With that kind of monopoly it is much easier to quietly move massive streams of data, malware, and sophistica­ted penetratio­n campaigns around through complex cyber systems without oversight.”

Several of these African government­s – including the Zambian, Ethiopian and Zimbabwean regimes – have all sought Chinese assistance in monitoring their country’s digital communicat­ions networks, according to Mai Truong, an Africa analyst at Freedom House.

In February, for example, “Zambian government sought Chinese expertise and assistance in installing internet surveillan­ce and censorship equipment, which occurred after President Michael Sata had signed an order earlier in the month authorisin­g the Office of the President to intercept both telephone and internet communicat­ions,” Truong told Foreign Policy in an e-mail. “In Ethiopia, Chinese technical assistance to monitor Ethiopian citizens online was confirmed in June 2012 when the government openly held an ‘internet management’ media workshop with support from the Chinese Communist Party.” While the Zimbabwean government’s ability to monitor citizens’ online behaviours isn’t fully known, “the technology they do have is likely to have been provided by the Chinese, beginning in 2007 after the passage of the Intercepti­on of Communicat­ions Act,” writes Truong. “The Chinese have been blamed for hacking independen­t Zimbabwean news websites.”

It’s also worth noting that many African nations have stated the Internet empowers too much free speech, so it’s no secret many of them want to monitor their citizens’ online activities. Zimbabwean digital whistleblo­wer Baba Jukwa is being hunted by the government of President Robert Mugabe – even as Jukwa claims Zimbabwean spooks trained in Internet surveillan­ce are looking for dissenters.

Still, it’s not really news that local government­s work with telecommun­ications firms to monitor networks. “Lawful intercept” is the intelligen­ce world’s term for this practice. What’s more disturbing about Huawei’s involvemen­t in African telecommun­ications is that it could provide the Chinese with direct access to those networks.

“Even if there aren’t any backdoors, which is a large hypothesis, just the Chinese state having access to the architectu­re of your system is a tremendous advantage should they want to engage in any electronic surveillan­ce, any electronic eavesdropp­ing,” Hayden said.

Plummer, the Huawei spokesman, indirectly acknowledg­ed the fears about China’s cyberspyin­g. But he said those worries had only made Huawei’s privacy and security protection­s stronger.

“We have put in place sophistica­ted security assurance discipline­s – from ideation to after-market service – to ensure the integrity of our gear and code,” Plummer said.

He then suggested that Westerners accusing Huawei of rampant spying “are looking into the ‘mirror’ of the US PRISM and related programmes and assuming like activity by other states. “Huawei is not involved and will not engage in any such activity,” he said.

But Huawei’s deep involvemen­t in African networks could give the Chinese an edge in almost any business deal or security matter on the continent. US cybersecur­ity experts have repeatedly cited cases of Chinese hackers stealing American corporatio­ns’ negotiatin­g strategies and business plans in order to give rival Chinese companies a leg up.

In addition to giving Huawei – and potentiall­y the Chinese government – vital intelligen­ce on African nations, Demchak worries that access to Africa’s telecommun­ications infrastruc­ture could make it even easier for Chinese hackers to disguise their attacks by rerouting them through the continent.

“Laundering of bad cyber behaviors through these backbones could be largely untouchabl­e and uncontroll­able externally by other nations,” said Demchak.

If she’s right, Huawei’s investment­s in Africa could be an issue for all of us. – Washington Post

 ??  ?? POCKET POWER: Huawei controls networks in Ethiopia, Nigeria, Angola, Zambia and Zimbabwe. PICTURE: REUTERS
POCKET POWER: Huawei controls networks in Ethiopia, Nigeria, Angola, Zambia and Zimbabwe. PICTURE: REUTERS

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