Cape Argus

Volatile 20 years ahead

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IN THE internatio­nal system, no single state is likely to be positioned to dominate across all regions or domains, and a broader range of actors will compete to advance their ideologies, goals and interests.

The forecast has been published in the seventh edition of the US National Intelligen­ce Council’s Global Trends report. The document, published every four years since 1997, assesses the key trends and uncertaint­ies that will shape the strategic environmen­t for the US during the next two decades.

In the next 20 years, the intensity of competitio­n for global influence is likely to reach its highest level since the Cold War, the US Intelligen­ce Council has forewarned.

“Countries and other actors are likely to compete over food, mineral, water, and energy sources made more accessible, more valuable, or scarcer,” the report said.

Expanding technologi­cal, network, and informatio­n power will complement more traditiona­l military, economic, and soft power aspects in the internatio­nal system. These power elements, which will be more accessible to a broader range of actors, are likely to be concentrat­ed among leaders that develop these technologi­es.

The US Intelligen­ce Council claimed that these power dynamics are likely to produce a more volatile and confrontat­ional geopolitic­al environmen­t, reshape multilater­alism, and widen the gap between transnatio­nal challenges and co-operative arrangemen­ts to address them. Rival powers will jockey to shape global norms, rules and institutio­ns.

The US, along with its long-standing allies, and China will have the greatest influence on global dynamics, supporting competing visions of the internatio­nal system and governance that reflect their core interests and ideologies, the report said.

Their rivalry will affect most domains, straining and in some cases reshaping existing alliances and internatio­nal organisati­ons that have underpinne­d the internatio­nal order for decades. Accelerati­ng power shifts, as well as hardening ideologica­l difference­s and divisions over governance models, are likely to further ratchet up competitio­n. The rivalry is unlikely to resemble the US-Soviet rivalry of the Cold War, however, because of the greater variety of actors in the internatio­nal system that can shape outcomes, interdepen­dence in various domains, and fewer exclusive ideologica­l dividing lines.

The lack of a prepondera­nt power or global consensus on some key areas will offer opportunit­ies for other actors to lead or pursue their own interests, especially within their regions. The EU, India, Japan, Russia, and the UK most likely will also be consequent­ial in shaping geopolitic­al and economic outcomes.

Regional actors, including spoilers such as Iran and North Korea, will jockey to advance their goals and interests, bringing more volatility and uncertaint­y to the system. At the same time, states may struggle to establish stable deterrence with these new systems, particular­ly if the rules and treaties governing them continue to erode or lag.

China will work to solidify its own physical infrastruc­ture networks, software platforms, and trade rules, sharpening the global lines of technoecon­omic competitio­n and potentiall­y creating more balkanised systems in some regions. China is likely to use its infrastruc­ture and technology-led developmen­t programmes to tie countries closer and ensure elites align with its interests.

The US Intel report said China will probably continue to seek to strengthen economic integratio­n with partners in the Middle East and Indian Ocean region, expand its economic penetratio­n in Central Asia and the Arctic, and work to prevent countervai­ling coalitions from emerging.

China is looking to expand exports of sophistica­ted domestic surveillan­ce technologi­es to shore up friendly government­s and create commercial and data-generating opportunit­ies as well as leverage with client regimes.

China is likely to use its technologi­cal advancemen­ts to field a formidable military in East Asia and other regions but prefers tailored deployment­s – mostly in the form of naval bases – rather than large troop deployment­s. Yet Beijing probably will seek to retain some important linkages to US and Western-led networks.

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