Martial law: Enrile’s first-hand account
FOR too long there was only one narrative of Marcos’ martial law, an account that was propagated by the victors of the 1986 civilian-backed military revolt, otherwise known as EDSA. It is necessary for our national healing and unity to understand everything in all their political complexities instead of just painting them in black and white, or the hackneyed “good versus evil.”
First-hand accounts of what really happened during that time are essential in getting a complete picture of this seminal event in our history. Former Senator Juan Ponce Enrile, 93 years old, is one of the few remaining key personalities from that era whose insights can help us understand more this chapter in Philippine history.
Enrile gave a speech a few months back in which he explained in great detail why Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law on September 1972 and why it lasted for several years. He outlined the peace and order problems the country faced shortly before Marcos began his second term in 1969.
The primary threat was from the newly organized Communist Party of the Philippines headed by Jose Ma. Sison. Government was also being challenged by the rising student activitism during the period, which was aggravated by the anti-US sentiment and the perceived mistreatment of Filipinos in the American bases.
In the streets was virtual anarchy with regular demonstrations by left-wing groups, such as those from Agrifina Circle who stormed Maharlika Hall where Marcos was meeting with his Nacionalista Party. Enrile said the demonstrators were allowed to vent their ire inside Malacañang Palace.
Another controversial incident designed for media exploitation was the killing of ten civilian guards of a US naval radio station on a deserted road between Capas, Tarlac and Camp O’Donnell in Pampanga. The three alleged survivors blamed the military for the massacre, but Enrile’s lawyerly instincts kicked in – he said their versions of the events were too similar, including the flaws in their stories.
His doubts were further enhanced when the witnesses arrived on board two private planes at the domestic airport in Pasay City where they were met by former Senator Benigno Aquino, Jr. and the media with their television cameras.
“With great fanfare in front of a big crowd at the Hacienda Luisita hangar, Senator Aquino demanded the arrest of Geronimo Foronda – a man alleged to have flagged down the vehicle carrying the massacre victims… He also demanded the ouster of all Philippine Constabulary men in the province of Tarlac,” Enrile recalled.
Enrile ordered a lie-detector test for the so-called survivors. They turned out to be false witnesses, said Enrile, who called Aquino at the Senate to inform him about the result of the polygraph test. According to Enrile, Aquino “disclaimed knowledge of the falsity of the witnesses. He simply and curtly said, ‘Bahala na kayo diyan!”
On the idea of martial law, Enrile began studying it as early as December 1969, on orders of Marcos, who said he foresaw the escalation of violence and disorder in the country and wanted to know the extent of his power as commanderin-chief of the Armed Forces under the 1935 Constitution.
Enrile completed the task after several months. “Only one copy of the research was prepared. I never saw or heard of that copy again thereafter,” he said.
Martial law would not be implemented until three years later with the further deterioration of the national security situation and the economic challenges the country faced after a series of strong typhoons.
Violence was widespread and the police could not match the guns of private armies and Communists. The government at that time only had about 60,000 troops and most of them were deployed in Central Luzon to fight the communist rebels.
Enrile also related an incident that happened on January 26, 1970 when Marcos was in Congress to deliver his State of the Nation Address. Militants aligned with the Communists held a big rally in front of Congress in Manila and effectively sealed its entrance.
President Marcos and his wife Imelda, Cabinet officials, Supreme Court justices, and foreign dignitaries were trapped inside the building. When they came out the demonstrators threw stones and exploded Molotov bombs. A cardboard coffin was hurled at Marcos which struck his back as he boarded the presidential car.
After this episode, Enrile said he fully grasped the essence of what Marcos told him, “that violence and disorder would escalate and threaten the country.” There were other violent incidents that would follow, most notably the bombing of Plaza Miranda on August 21, 1971, which was blamed on Marcos.
Decades later it will be revealed that it was the Communist Party which planned and executed the bombing in order to provoke Marcos into finally declaring martial law.
The communists had hoped the bombing would lead to further anarchy and a “revolutionary flow” that would install them into power, just as other communist groups had done in China, Vietnam, Laos, and North Korea. China even gave local communists boatloads of arms but the military foiled their plans in the infamous M/V Karagatan incident.
Would the Philippines had turned communist if Marcos had not declared martial law? Now that is an intriguing question that still bears asking as the communists are still around, in various permutations, and they are proving to be the bane of the current Duterte administration.
Enrile has defended President Duterte’s imposition of martial law in Mindanao. To him, this is a neutral concept, a tool of the state that it has every right to use when there is lawless violence or rebellion. Enrile, who withdrew his support from Marcos in 1986, is now proving to be an invaluable resource in understanding martial law.