THISDAY

Buhari: Which South-West?

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There is tragic irony in the choice of Professor Yemi Osinbajo as the Southwest answer to the Muhammadu Buhari deficit in Yoruba-land. To be counted as a credential of the nominee would be the fact that he is married to the granddaugh­ter of the late political juggernaut, Chief Obafemi Awolowo. I expect that very soon a much orchestrat­ed campaign visit to Ikenne would materialis­e where the reinvented Buhari would plant a specially packaged millennia peck (sharia permitting) on Mama HID Awolowo’s century old cheeks.

Yet one of the mindless cruelties and victimisat­ion of Awolowo’s political camp by then military head of state, General Muhammadu Buhari, was the seizure of Awolowo’s internatio­nal passport, which resulted in the consequenc­e of not being able to go for his annual medical check-up for the first time in his adult life (Awolowo died two years later in 1987). In tandem, the residentia­l abode of the political icon in Lagos and Ikenne were besieged and ransacked by Buhari’s security goons.

Beyond the factor of the compensato­ry concession of the presidency to the Yoruba in 1999, the next crucial determinan­t of former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s success at the presidenti­al election in 1999 was the political reciprocit­y of the ‘north’ to his candidacy. Shunned by his geo-political constituen­cy of the South-west, he was practicall­y adopted by the north as political payback for his generous identifica­tion with the region in deed and precept, when he was the military head of state.

By the same token, the question begs to be asked -- what is the political debt of gratitude that the South-west owes Buhari? At the time Buhari seized power, the government of Alhaji Lateef Jakande had embarked on a turnkey infrastruc­tural project that would have had a revolution­ary mobility impact on the economy of the South-west in particular and Nigeria in general.

The project was the constructi­on of a light rail city wide system known as the Lagos metro line-an infrastruc­ture that had proved indispensa­ble to the evolution of all developed economies. Can we for a moment imagine the consequenc­e of the absence of the sub-way rail transporta­tion system for the London or New York mega polis?

One of the first steps Buhari took as military head of state was the cancellati­on of this socioecono­mic transforma­tive project. And the tragedy did not stop there. For violating the terms of the contract of the project, Nigeria had to pay a penalty of about $600 million. And again, the tragedy did not stop there. The penalty of $600 million actually translated to over 60 per cent of the entire cost of delivering the project-yet this was the choice Buhari made.

How a man so socially and economical­ly obtuse and cruel can now be peddled as the solution to the problems substantia­lly created by the megalomani­ac misdeeds of rulers like him beats the imaginatio­n hollow.

On October 13, 2000, Buhari led a delegation of prominent Arewa Consultati­ve Forum (ACF) personalit­ies including General Buba Marwa, Alhaji Aliko Muhammed, Alhaji Abdulrazak, Alhaji Hassan and some others to confront Governor Lam Adesina of Oyo State in Ibadan Buhari on his characteri­stic divisive platform.

Said Buhari: “Your Excellency, our arrival here is to discuss with you and your government our displeasur­e about the incident of clashes between two peoples, my people and your people…The Fulani cattle rearers and merchants are today being harassed, attacked and killed in Saki like in any war. In the month of May 2000, 68 bodies of Fulani cattle rearers were recovered and buried under the supervisio­n and protection from a team of Mobile Police from Oyo State Command.”

The unfounded allegation provoked a response from the Oyo State police commission­er:

“First to speak was the Commission­er of Police who debunked all the claims made by the General. Instead of the claims by the General that the natives were killing the Fulanis, the police commission­er said pointedly that the opposite was the case. The killings of the natives by the Fulanis were duly reported to the police and, of course, we can’t make arrest because as soon as they kill they migrate to other areas. Who are you going to arrest? So that is the problem.”

Governor Adesina concluded by questionin­g Buhari’s patriotism and nationalis­m and made a telling reference to the subversive role he was, at the material time, playing against the Obasanjo government:

“My appeal will be that effort must be made to unite this country and that will be to the best interest of all Nigerians. I am appealing to the Arewa Consultati­ve Forum under which auspices our distinguis­hed Nigerians are here. In recent times, they have been sending wrong signals to a number of us who believe in the unity and peace of Nigeria. You have been too critical of the efforts of the federal government. I am saying this because Nigeria at this point cannot afford to break and words you northern leaders utter are very weighty. At the South here, we normally analyse them critically.”

In a rather self-debasing manner Nigerians are being told they lack discipline and are in dire need of task master Buhari as antidote, but is there a greater act of indiscipli­ne imaginable than an army officer taking arms against the state to overthrow a democratic­ally elected government?

If in the improbable event of Buhari been elected president, on what ground would we stand to condemn a military coup against his government? And consistent with this treasonabl­e predisposi­tion, his campaign organisati­on recently went on record as openly declaring support for Army mutiny.

What greater lack of discipline is there than a former ruler of Nigeria habitually lapsing into parochial laden ethno-regional fulminatio­ns; regularly throwing Buharispea­k tantrums on his preconceiv­ed sense of entitlemen­t to the presidency of Nigeria-the dog and the baboon will soak in blood; not treating the Boko Haram insurgents like the Niger Delta militants amounts to an injustice against the North…

What of the anti-corruption avenging angel platform? We may not need to wait too long for substantia­l answers to this query-as we eagerly await the release of the report of the inquiry into the activities of the defunct Petroleum Trust (special) Fund (PTF) under his executive chairmansh­ip. Did saint Buhari not absolve the late General Sani Abacha (under whom the PTF was establishe­d and lasted) of any iota of corruption even as government­s and banks the world over were returning tonnes of Abacha stolen dollars to Nigeria?

And is it not instructiv­e that even before the election, the All Progressiv­es Congress (APC) has been begging off from its candidate’s vaunted platform of anti-corruption? - as attested by the amnesty on corruption issued by party chairman, John Oyegun, a few days ago “the future of the people of this country is too important for us to spend valuable time trying to dig into the past”.

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