Seeking potential ‘alternatives’

The phrase ‘lu-lagi, lu-lagi’ which means ‘you-again, you-again’ is a classic bahasa gaul phrase — an essentially colloquial Indonesian, raw, unapologetic and Hokkien-infused throwaway line of exasperation when referring to the names being tossed around a

ILEARNT a new phrase last week: “Lu-lagi, lu-lagi” or “you-again, you-again”. With its underlying tone of exasperation, it’s a classic bahasa gaul phrase – colloquial Indonesian, raw, unapologetic and Hokkieninfused: a taste of what you’ll hear in cafes and warungs in Jakarta and across the country.

However, the phrase wasn’t being used to describe your “favourite” mother-in-law.

Instead, it’s the throwaway line when referring to the names being tossed around as potential presidential candidates: “Ibu Megawati, Aburizal, Hatta Rajasa, Jusuf Kalla... lu-lagi, lu-lagi!”

Ever since Jokowi’s stunning victory in the Jakarta gubernatorial polls, the city’s pundits have been on overdrive – churning out polls and position papers as they seek to factor in the former Solo mayor’s emergence onto the national stage.

Amidst the flurry of activity, perhaps the most important point has been the enthusiasm for a new political face – witness the frustration inherent in the “lu-lagi, lu-lagi” refrain.

But Indonesians may need a reality check.

Constitutional provisions mean a clean sweep of the “old” faces is high on impossible: change as they say is always evolutionary.

Whilst the republic is justifiably proud of its direct elections for its Head of State (the first was in 2004), in reality it’s the political parties with the most seats in the Parliament that effectively get to determine who should stand as a candidate.

With a threshold of over 20% of the parliamentary seats or 25% of the popular vote, a candidate from a smaller party, whilst popular with the broader population has little hope of being nominated.

Moreover there’s talk of raising the thresholds to even higher levels.

This is why the present, seemingly arcane tussle over the numbers of parliamentary seats and percentage of the popular vote required to nominate a presidential candidate which is currently being

There is disappointment and frustration amongst the electorate with the elite’s insistence on nominating the same old, tired, overexposed faces — back to the ‘ lu-lagi,lu-lagi!’ syndrome.

debated and discussed in the DPR is so critical.

Interestingly and according to most polls, the leading figure in the run-up to the 2014 presidential contest is the controversial former general and leader of the nationalist Gerindra party, Prabowo Subianto.

However, barring a dramatic rise in support by the time 2014 comes around – Pak Prabowo’s Gerindra seems unlikely to be able to nominate its leader outright.

Indeed, it’s hard to see how Prabowo can run unless Gerindra is able to work with one of the three larger parties, the Democrats, Golkar or PDI-P.

In essence, therefore, the contest will most likely be between candidates selected by one of these three main parties.

In the latest polls, the three were clearly leading with all the Islamicbased parties (ranging from PKS to PAN) suffering a significant major downturn in support.

Part of the problem faced by all the parties however is the voting public’s general distaste for politics and politicians.

With new corruption scandals breaking every week the popular mood is surly and resentful.

There is disappointment and frustration amongst the electorate with the elite’s insistence on nominating the same old, tired, overexposed faces – back to the “lu-lagi, lu-lagi!” syndrome.

Besides, excessive media coverage backfires if you have nothing new or relevant to say.

So while the major parties know they have an almost automatic “lock” on the system, they are also wary of sparking off a wave of voter anger or protest.

It’s a fine line they have to walk and this is where the so-called “alternative” candidates emerge.

As I’ve noted before, the last couple of years have seen the rise of non-career politicians.

These include technocrats like Dahlan Iskan and Mahfud MD to celebrities-turned-legislators like Rieke Diah Pitaloka.

Of course, some would say that these figures (especially if they’re pop-stars or actors) merely trivialise Indonesian politics so there’s an element of risk involved.

Still, there’s no denying that there’s a demand for such leaders precisely because they are not politicians.

Still, that doesn’t mean that the same rules of the game for leaders don’t apply to them.

The challenge for such “alternative” candidates is to be able to perform while also maintain the outsider, insurgent-like credibility that powered them to prominence in the first place.