The Asian Age

Farmers need a lot of help, don’t make it a political issue

- M. Venkaiah Naidu The writer is a Union minister. The views expressed here are personal.

The farmers’ agitation in western Madhya Pradesh has grabbed nationwide attention after six people were killed in police firing at Pipiliya Mandi, 20 km from Mandsaur town, on June 6. This was doubtless unfortunat­e, but the firing wasn’t the trigger for the violence, it was the other way around. The violence started earlier, with the agitation apparently infiltrate­d by anti-national forces.

Acts of hooliganis­m were visible from day one. The mandis were forcibly occupied, and trucks carrying milk, foodgrain and vegetables seized, and the perishable cargo thrown on the roads. This created an extreme shortage of edible items, with children unable to get milk.

Even if the protest was in a just cause, the methods were unacceptab­le. These provocativ­e tactics may have led to the firing tragedy. The policemen responsibl­e will be punished if found guilty, but the onus of keeping an agitation orderly and peaceful is primarily on its organisers. And violence is always counterpro­ductive.

Dilip Mishra, a Congress officebear­er, is seen in a video threatenin­g that farmers would return bullets for bullets. In another video that went viral earlier, Shakuntala Khatik, Congress MLA from Karera, was seen instigatin­g a crowd to set a police station on fire. The Congress seems desperate to secure a foothold in the political space it has lost. Except Karnataka, it’s not in power in any major state. It’s planks like “intoleranc­e”, “anti-demonetisa­tion” or “beef ban” have failed, so it was quick to seize on the farmers’ agitation. Its script seems predetermi­ned. Immediatel­y after the firing, it sought the CM’s resignatio­n and blamed the Centre’s agricultur­al policy.

It seems to have forgotten Madhya Pradesh has seen an unpreceden­ted spurt in agricultur­e in the past decade, with 20 per cent year-on-year growth in the last five years, almost five times the national average. The Congress left Madhya Pradesh in shambles, and the BJP government inherited negative growth in agricultur­e. But the CM, who proudly calls himself a “Kisan Putra”, has turned it around. Under him, the state has shed its “Bimaru” tag.

Madhya Pradesh has emerged as India’s new rice bowl, with more acreage of irrigated land. Its 2018 Vision Document plans to raise the irrigated area to 33 lakh hectares.

The agitators were troubled by demand side problems, not supply side ones. Prices crashed on the bumper harvest on winter produce like tomato and onions. These perishable items are not procured by government­s anywhere. These problems arise in a glut or a “problem of plenty”. While shortages lead to a massive public outcry, farmers alone suffer during a surplus. We need more cold storage chains and food processing units to remedy this. Farmers also need lessons in crop diversific­ation, on how to anticipate high and low yield seasons.

This time it wasn’t about the field but the mart. That explains why the agitators tried to choke the market and disrupt supplies from other states. In contrast, the January 1998 Betul agitation, during Congress rule, was about compensati­on for damaged crops due to rain and hailstorm. The centre of protest was the tehsil office at Multai in Betul district. Digvijay Singh was chief minister. There was police firing on January 12, 1998 that claimed 24 lives. No major Congress leader visited the victims’ families, instead the Digvijay government filed a huge number of cases against Sunil Mishra, the agitation leader seen as close to George Fernandes. How can the Congress use different yardsticks on violence in farmers’ agitations in 1998 and in 2017?

Agricultur­e remains highly regulated in India. A proper balance between free choice for farmers and state interventi­on is in the realm of policymaki­ng. Instead of politicisi­ng the issue, we should try to fine-tune policy. The Narendra Modi government at the Centre has taken a slew of measures to address both supply and demand side problems like Soil Health Card and Kisan Fasal Bima Yojana. An unpreceden­ted `48,572 crores was allocated for agricultur­e in FY 2016-17.

The National Agricultur­al Market Portal (eNam) has been launched, which networks existing APMC mandis to create a unified national market for agricultur­al commoditie­s through a mobile app and a website. Till March 31, 417 mandis across 10 states were linked.

Loan waivers aren’t a permanent solution, at best only a temporary solace. While India is self-sufficient today in food production, the woes of farmers haven’t ended. One hopes with better technology, parity will be achieved between demand and supply. The 1960s’ Green Revolution wasn’t through technology alone; as PL-480 wheat imports were reduced, farmers had an incentive to produce more.

Several factors must be perfected for agricultur­e, like certified seeds, appropriat­e soil, proper nutrition, power supply, access to irrigation, godowns and cold storages, crop insurance, etc. While the challenge is huge, the Modi government is treating farmers’ welfare on an equal footing with agricultur­al growth.

The Congress seems unable to accept that a person of humble origin has risen to be a popular PM. It is adopting 3D strategy — Disrupt (Parliament and government work), Disinform (false propaganda) and Defame (give the PM a bad name). Such tactics won’t work. Let’s treat agricultur­e as a non-partisan issue than a political squabble.

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