Millennium Post (Kolkata)

A narrow code?

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Uttarakhan­d Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami tabled the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) Bill in the state assembly on Tuesday with a lot of pomp and show. While the Chief Minister dubbed the occasion to be a “historic moment”, calling for a “healthy debate” in the assembly, the opposition questioned the urgency with which the Bill is being pushed through — leaving insufficie­nt time for the opposition to prepare for a debate on the “lengthy document”. Given the fact that the UCC affects day-to-day lives of citizens, it is imperative on the part of the government to ensure a “healthy debate” on the issue in the true sense of the term. It goes without saying that the Uniform Civil Code has been a longstandi­ng promise of the BJP, and invoking it before elections serves not just social interests but also the party’s political agenda.

Apart from the political urgency with which it is being pursued, the first draft of Uttarakhan­d’s Uniform Civil Code has stirred a hornet’s nest with its overreachi­ng and contentiou­s content. Through its provisions, the Bill appears to treat the regulation of live-in relationsh­ips like marriages. In light of the “heinous crimes among live-in couples”, the UCC, in a bid to introduce “mental deterrence”, mandates compulsory registrati­on of live-in relationsh­ips with the State and provides for maintenanc­e of the woman in case she is deserted by her partner. In case of nonproduct­ion of certificat­e of relationsh­ip, jail term of up to six months has been prescribed under the code. Furthermor­e, if live-in partners share any false informatio­n during the registrati­on, they may face imprisonme­nt for up to three months or a fine not exceeding Rs 25,000, or both.

These provisions have far-reaching implicatio­ns on individual rights, and undermine the right to privacy of citizens. The Supreme Court, in the Puttaswamy case, had identified the right to privacy as an intrinsic part of right to life and personal liberty under Article 21 of the Indian constituti­on, which is a fundamenta­l right. Furthermor­e, the Delhi High Court had observed that “the sphere of privacy allows persons to develop human relations without interferen­ce from the outside community or from the State”.

It is true that numerous crime cases have emerged pertaining to couples cohabiting under live-in relationsh­ips. It is the duty of the State to ensure strict enforcemen­t of existing criminal laws to put a tab on such instances. The State cannot be expected to sneak into the private lives of individual­s to hide its own failure in preventing crimes through appropriat­e policy interventi­ons. It may be pointed out here that cohabitati­on without marriage is still a taboo in society, and Indian religious structures look at it through the lens of morality. To an extent, the ‘Hindu’ system of belief disapprove­s of such cohabitati­on. The entire concept of live-in relationsh­ip is incompatib­le with India’s right wing ideology and traditiona­l beliefs. This is one of the implicit reasons that the

BJP government­s hold such practices antagonist­ic to their notion of an ideal society. This belief also largely resonates across right-wing voters. Perhaps this is one of the reasons that the states ruled by the saffron party are reportedly looking to follow the footsteps of Uttarakhan­d. Barring several positive measures, including providing legitimacy to a child born in livein relationsh­ip, providing maintenanc­e to deserted women in such relationsh­ips, etc., the Bill is a disappoint­ing piece of legislatio­n, requiring significan­t modificati­ons.

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