Ottawa Citizen

Fallout from the Nadon decision

Attacks by the prime minister and minister of justice on the integrity of the chief justice drew condemnati­on from the legal community, write Paul Daly and Carissima Mathen.

- Carissima Mathen is associate professor of law at the University of Ottawa. Paul Daly is assistant

The challenge to Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s nomination of Marc Nadon to the Supreme Court of Canada began as a question about a rarely-discussed statute, became a momentous question of legal principle and is now a constituti­onal conflagrat­ion of the first order.

Section 5 of the Supreme Court Act sets out the basic criteria for appointmen­t: only lawyers of at least 10 years’ standing are eligible. Section 6 reserves three seats for jurists from Quebec, learned in the civil law tradition.

In determinin­g that only current members of the Quebec bar, Superior Court or Court of Appeal qualify, the Supreme Court turned its gaze to “the historic bargain that gave birth to the Court in 1875.” A need to preserve Quebec’s distinct civil law tradition — and the confidence of Quebecers in the court — underpinne­d the policy choice to restrict the pool of eligible candidates. Nadon, a distinguis­hed member of the Federal Court of Appeal, was thus ineligible.

Shortly after the federal government referred the matter to the court, Parliament passed declarator­y legislatio­n which aimed to retrospect­ively validate Nadon’s appointmen­t. Yet the Constituti­on protects the “compositio­n of the Supreme Court” from unilateral alteration by the federal authoritie­s.

Facing this issue, the court plunged into deep waters. Leading commentato­rs had suggested that the Supreme Court has no constituti­onal status — that it could be altered, or even abolished, by Parliament acting alone.

Perhaps unsurprisi­ngly, the court balked at this suggestion, concluding that its “essential features” cannot be changed without substantia­l provincial consent. Moreover, any modificati­ons to its “eligibilit­y requiremen­ts” require the unanimous agreement of Parliament and the provinces. The Quebec seats must be filled by current Quebec judges or lawyers, until Que-

Most serious of all is the decision’s political fallout, almost entirely created by the federal executive.

bec and the other provinces agree otherwise. There is some irony in the fact that Quebec’s interests were robustly protected by an institutio­n and document whose legitimacy many Quebecers decry or deny.

The court’s momentous decision is not without consequenc­es. The prime minister has said judges from Quebec are now in a second class, and that talented jurists will be dissuaded from joining the federal court. This is not only completely speculativ­e, it casts such jurists in an unappealin­g light. If the prime minister’s concerns about recruitmen­t prove to be justified, perhaps he will push for much-needed reform of the federal courts — for example, permitting judges to remain in their home provinces.

More serious are the potential constraint­s on reforms which, some argue, will help the court better reflect the changing face of Canadian society. Institutio­nalizing bilinguali­sm, gender equality and guaranteed representa­tion for ethnic minorities may now require constituti­onal negotiatio­ns.

Most serious of all is the decision’s political fallout, almost entirely created by the federal executive. First by anonymous leaks to the press and subsequent­ly in statements to the House of Commons, the prime minister and the minister of justice have suggested that the Chief Justice of Canada acted improperly in flagging a potential issue with Section 6. These attacks on the integrity of the chief justice have provoked waves of condemnati­on from the Canadian legal community. If anything positive can be drawn from this sordid affair, it lies in the possibilit­y that the judicial appointmen­t process will be thoroughly overhauled to avoid a repeat of l’affaire Nadon.

In collaborat­ion with the Public Law Group at the University of Ottawa, we have assembled some of Canada’s leading lawyers and commentato­rs to unpack the decision and its aftermath in a free, interactiv­e, day-long symposium on May 28.

All are welcome to join this vitally important constituti­onal discussion.

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