Only a defeated society would elect a Mugabe to lead

The adulation of Robert Mugabe by many Africans, in spite of the fact that he plunged his country into a death spiral, raises the question of what attributes are most valued in a leader or hero

The attributes people value determine what kind of leaders they elect and, in turn, whether a country will prosper or fail.

The puzzle is that many Africans who lead their countries to failed states, break-ups and civil war are often wildly celebrated by other Africans.

In the case of a country, a death spiral is a vicious cycle of decline that will end catastrophically. The same failed solutions are proffered over and over, in spite of obvious, available, more rational, credible and innovative alternatives.

In Zanu-PF’s case, incompetent leaders continue to be recycled because they are one of us. Outdated struggle “ideology” continues to determine policy, rather than hard evidence. Scapegoats are blamed; responsibility is not accepted. Having been subjected to colonialism, slavery and apartheid, many African peoples started a new postcolonial era as defeated societies. They are traumatised, fearful societies and often have a broken sense of identity. In the transition period, the rule of law, society rules and accountability norms are uncertain.

The description by Art Padilla of “a toxic triangle” — which combines “destructive leaders, susceptible followers, and conducive environments” — can be applied to the African, and Zimbabwean, context.

Mugabe rose to power because of his perceived militancy, his promise to fight the white Rhodesian government with counterviolence and, when in government, avenge the humiliation of black Zimbabweans.

In liberation struggles, leaders who promise aggression, threats, populism and simplistic solutions that will solve their problems overnight appeal more to defeated societies, under the misguided perception that such leaders will defend them against oppressors. However, militant leaders are often poor leaders, especially inadequate in rebuilding defeated societies.

These leaders rise because of fear and retain power by exaggerating threats, demonising the “opponents”, the colonisers and

“collaborators” in their own parties. The phenomenon of leaders exaggerating outside threats drives even more fear, uncertainty and anxiety among their supporters. It increases support for these leaders and gives them more power. Their supporters become more forgiving about the leaders’ incompetence.

These leaders are often highly narcissistic, paranoid and emotionally isolated, and lack empathy.

They maintain power at the expense of comrades, supporters and their countries. They do not refrain from using unethical methods, lying and violence. Mugabe used militancy against whites, violence against his leadership rivals and populism to rise to power in Zanu-PF.

When he took power in Zanu-PF and later Zimbabwe, Mugabe used underhand methods to hold onto power, eliminating rivals, controlling information and apportioning exaggerated blame to whites, former colonial power Britain and “collaborators” for self-inflicted problems.

Hero-worshipping Mugabe-like leaders will ensure African countries remain perpetually poor, the societies will be traumatised over and over, and recolonised by new powers. Mugabe-like leaders have caused more suffering for the poor as populist rhetoric, corrupt behaviour and ill-suited policies crashed economies, leading to mass starvation, societal breakdown and violence.

Africans need to value different leadership attributes: more caring, compassionate and collaborative. They must place a higher value on honesty, competency and morality.

Africa needs heroes who have emotional intelligence, selfknowledge and the ability to self-reflect. Leaders must have the confidence to be vulnerable.

Such leaders will be more likely to reverse the death spiral of many countries, and bring more inclusive prosperity, dignity and pride to long-suffering Africans.

Africans must place a higher value on honesty, competency and morality

Gumede is associate professor in the School of Governance at Wits University, and author of ‘South Africa in Brics’ (Tafelberg)